A new Atlantic Council “Memo to the President,” co-signed by 40 national security leaders, presents an array of measures that NATO can implement to help Ukraine win its war against Russian aggression, to guarantee Ukraine’s long-term stability, and to fortify Europe against further Kremlin aggression that directly jeopardizes the interests of the United States and its allies.
Next year’s NATO Summit in Washington, DC, will mark the 75th anniversary of the Alliance. At a time when the world faces the challenge of the increasing alignment between the world’s chief authoritarian powers—Russia and China—the summit provides the opportunity for the US and its NATO allies to confront that challenge by taking steps to defeat Putin in Ukraine, set Ukraine on the path to NATO membership, and deter future aggression from revanchist powers.
Russia’s full-scale invasion spurred the United States and its NATO allies to adopt vigorous measures in support of Ukraine and to safeguard themselves against the Kremlin’s expansionist aims. At the NATO Summit in Vilnius in July 2023, the Allies took modest steps toward Ukraine’s NATO membership, settling on a promise to invite it to the Alliance “when Allies agree and conditions are met.”
In advance of the next NATO Summit in Washington in 2024, a new Atlantic Council “Memo to the President,” co-signed by more than 40 national security leaders, presents an array of measures that NATO can implement to help Ukraine win its war against Russian aggression, to guarantee Ukraine’s long-term stability, and to fortify Europe against further Kremlin aggression that directly jeopardizes the interests of the United States and its allies.
What measures can NATO partners take to help Ukraine win the war? What strategic actions can NATO take to bolster its defenses against Moscow’s revisionist goals? How can the US and its allies anchor Ukraine firmly in Transatlantic institutions, including NATO membership? What can be done in Washington and other NATO capitals to pave a path for Kyiv ahead of the NATO Summit in 2024?
By Joseph T. Bonivel Jr. and Solomon Wise
The Fourth Industrial Revolution is highlighted by the interconnection of devices and sensors to the internet. The computing and communication capabilities of these devices allow for roughly 2.5 quintillion byes of data to be produced, stored, and analyzed daily. For example, every second, an exponential amount of healthcare data is generated and mined for valuable insights. Today, approximately 30% of the world’s data volume is being generated by the healthcare industry. By 2025, the compound annual growth rate of data for healthcare will reach 36%. This data is fed into machine learning and artificial intelligence models that have strong impacts on multiple healthcare domains that have the potential to impact the socioeconomic statuses of billions of people across the world. Those entities that have functional access to data capital have more options than those that do not. The data divide is the gap that exists between individuals who have access, agency, and control with respect to data and can reap the most benefits from data driven technologies, and those who do not. The data divide can only be reduced if the there is optimization in the data process, monitoring and evaluation of the policies and programs from major stakeholders, and alignment of public private partnerships for social good.
Mark Parker Young is a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub and a principal analyst at Mandiant. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping has shaken China’s military and foreign affairs establishments in the past two months by abruptly replacing several senior military officers and China’s minister of foreign affairs. The removals were all the more surprising because Xi had promoted many of these same officials to lead their organizations less than a year earlier. A close look at the officials involved suggests that a variety of personal and institutional factors contributed to their downfall, but the disruptive impact of the sudden disappearances indicates underlying mistakes and misjudgments on the part of Xi and the personnel apparatus he oversees.
The recent removals suggest that Xi has approved prosecutions of several discrete pockets of corruption and misconduct rather than a repeat of the sweeping and interconnected purges of his first term. The senior officials involved had crucial roles within their respective military and civilian bureaucracies, but none was part of Xi’s core apparatus of political control.
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